It is almost a given that elections now reward style over substance. But if charisma is truly what is needed in politics, then the two candidates for the Democratic presidential nomination - Al Gore and Bill Bradley - should consider seeking other employment. In a nutshell: they're boring as hell. Yet despite the complete absence of tonal modulation in their voices, Gore and Bradley have been two of the most intense, competitive, and accomplished men in Washington over the past two decades. Though neither candidate will fully admit it, this race between two of Washington's most aloof and introspective intellectuals has become a contest about character and personal philosophy. And for those of you who like fighting, there's hope of an interesting election, because these two guys hate each other. Perhaps we'll see a relatively volatile emotion emerge, such as a blink or a sniff. Let the mudslinging commence!

1. MEET AL GORE

Overview

First and foremost, yes, he is boring. But he's not supposed to be a comedian, so get over it. Now, on to business. . .

For eight years, Al Gore has waited in the wings and eyed the Presidency. From his perch in the Vice Presidential mansion, Al Gore watched Clinton initially flounder after his 1992 victory over Bush, only to be resurrected by a strong economy and a strategic shift to more moderate political views. Yet all the while, Al Gore was far more than an idle observer.

Delegated with the task of trimming excess fat from Federal spending, Gore oversaw the National Performance Review, an ambitious program that has saved the Federal Government over one billion dollars by streamlining expenditures. When Ross Perot began mustering opposition to NAFTA, Gore boldly agreed to a public debate and trounced the big-eared billionaire. Throughout, he has served as a constant advocate for The Environment (it is now the law to refer to this topic using capital letters), championing the movement against oil-drilling off the coast of California and the deterioration of the great forest lands of the Northwest. In addition, his unabashed straight-arrow approach (Jay Leno once remarked that when Al Gore admitted he smoked pot in college, kids realized that it wasn't cool) has served as a stabilizing force to the torrid exploits of Slick Willy. Gore's wife, Tipper, has become a political force in her own right, emerging as a vocal and powerful advocate for standards of decency in the music, television, and movie industries.

Background

At least from a résumé standpoint, Al Gore looks every bit the traditional heir apparent to the Presidency. A government major in Harvard University's class of 1969, Al roomed with future movie star Tommy Lee Jones. Even at twenty-two, Gore had the Presidency on his mind, writing his senior thesis on television's impact on the Presidency.

From there, he served as a US Army journalist covering the Vietnam War from 1969 to 1971. Returning from the war, Al picked up two degrees in succession from Vanderbilt: religion in 1972 and law in 1976. During his time at Vanderbilt, Al worked as a young reporter for The Nashville Tennessean where he was given such coveted stories as a Whopper-eating contest and an animal attack on a nudist colony. Really. We're not creative enough to create stories like those.

Only one year out of law school, Al rode the coat tails of his father the Senator, winning himself a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives from Tennessee's sixth district. In 1985, after four terms in the house, Gore moved up to the Senate where he remained through a failed bid for the Democratic nomination for President in 1988. While in the Senate, Gore became known as a strong advocate of environmental causes and acquired a reputation for being a knowledgeable and smooth statesman. This stature contributed largely to his selection as the running mate of Bill Clinton in 1992.

Issues

Years of watching Bill Clinton, the master of political compromise and pragmatism, has taught Gore the benefits of espousing feasible and moderate proposals. Indeed, one of the most prominent themes of the Gore campaign is that, in contrast to Bradley's bold anti-establishment rhetoric, Gore preaches a vision that can be realized and he possesses the political experience to accomplish his goals.

At the center of Gore's agenda is a plan to spend the majority of the Federal budget surplus on child health care and debt reduction. Specifically, Gore looks to extend government health-care coverage to most uninsured American children by 2005 (estimates are that there are now roughly eleven million American children that presently live without such coverage). Unlike Bradley's proposal, Gore's concept relies largely on existing institutions and falls short of guaranteeing universal coverage. In addition he seeks to divert federal resources toward education programs such as Head Start and assistance for floundering state programs. And like any good Democrat, he supports both a woman's right to choose and stricter measures on gun control. Additionally, he has proposed raising the minimum wage by one dollar an hour (to $6.15) and counsels the expansion of free trade. Although McCain and Bradley have managed to steal much of the thunder on campaign finance, Gore too has stressed the removal of "soft-money" loopholes and increases in Federal subsidies for elections.

One criticism that has been circulating against Gore is that he, like his infamous colleague in the Oval Office, has been all too willing to modify his own ideology for the sake of political expedience. Never before outspoken about his religious beliefs, Candidate Gore has (surprise) suddenly decided to inject Jesus into many of his orations. An opponent of federally funded abortions while in the Senate, Gore has modified his stance in order to reflect the party position. But that, along with this tiny little controversy about illegally taking millions from Chinese contributors by using his White House influence, is about as controversial as Ol' Redwood gets.

Strengths/Weaknesses

Typically speaking, being the Vice President during a successful era in American history bodes well for his political future. But these are not typical political times, and Gore's association with the Lewinsky scandal, even if once-removed, immediately taints his name. Further, there's a huge backlash against "career politicians," allowing his opponents to deride him as out of touch.

Then, of course, there's the perception that he speaks as passionately as a 7th-grade math teacher. In this area, Gore may find himself in good company, as neither Bill Bradley (who often comes across as aloof and self-important) nor George W. Bush (whose political rhetoric rings of rehearsal and contrivance) can claim to do much better. But Gore's still the one who gets teased about it.

For more information, check out the Gore campaign's web site at:
http://www.algore2000.com

2. MEET BILL BRADLEY

Overview

In a speech delivered in 1994, Bill Bradley shocked his admirers and detractors alike in a statement that would lay the foundation for the mystique of his Presidential run four years later. "Politics is broken," proclaimed Bradley, in his stunning announcement that he would not continue as New Jersey's Senator. With such bold and sweeping observations, Bradley has redefined himself. Never mind that he was the same moderate Democrat who had spent the last eighteen years in Washington and twice voted for the Reagan budget. Although such a profound shift might seem exceptional, it hardly comes as a surprise given Bradley's miraculous streak of diverse successes.

In 1990, Bill Bradley was a prominent and established Senator with a track record of success and some celebrity status to boot. His only obstacle to reelection was Christine Todd Whitman, a young and inexperienced Republican who was most well-known for her strong ties to the pro-choice movement. Despite spending twelve times the money of his opponent, Bradley refused to take a stand on an issue that Ms. Whitman claimed as crucial: her outspoken opposition to a state-wide tax increase signed into law by then New Jersey governor Jim Florio. Bradley's lack of comment proved to be a gross blunder, as Whitman came close to pulling off a stunning upset (and rode the momentum of her near-victory to the New Jersey Governorship the following year). Bradley claims that the close call reminded him that he needed to do more to speak to the people, gain their trust, and prove his good intentions.

Bradley has consistently demonstrated his willingness to flaunt convention when his own convictions lead him elsewhere. He can only hope that the aura of invincibility that he projects instills confidence in voters and inspires them to cast ballots in his favor. Entering the race late and facing an experienced opponent with overwhelming credentials for the nomination, Bradley's fate hinges on his ability to pull one more rabbit out of a hat and enhance his own near-mythic status. And a chin tuck wouldn't hurt. He has more chin waddle than those cute little Chinese wrinkle dogs. And Bradley ain't cute.

Background

Few résumés are harder to duplicate than that of Bill Bradley. A 1965 graduate of Princeton University, he played for the Men's Olympic basketball team that won the gold. . . and that was only during his junior year. A history major, he received the Rhodes Scholarship and gained his degree from Oxford in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He then returned to the U.S. to play on the New York Knicks. In the league, Bradley became known as a peacemaker, level-headed player, and fierce competitor. After retiring his smelly jersey in 1977, Bill wasted little time in chasing another jersey, running for and capturing the open Senate seat from New Jersey in 1979. His time in the Senate was marked by a weird pattern of voting: in favor of larger spending in some areas and against it in others. But he was well-respected among his peers in the Senate.

Issues

Although there appears to be little love lost between Al Gore and Bill Bradley in debates, the reason for such hostility can hardly be found in the contrast between their proposals. On most issues, Bradley and Gore flat out agree. Such territory includes restrictions on gun purchases, the banning of racial profiling, the barring of soft-money from campaigns, and a one dollar increase in the minimum wage (although Bradley has taken this thought further, proposing that the wage should then be linked to indexes for inflation).

Where there is differentiation is in the details and scope of their respective agendas for the budget surplus. Gore seeks a plan that he hopes will afford Heath Care coverage to most children currently without it, while Bradley's vision is bolder and potentially costlier. He proposes to quickly bring near-universal health care coverage by diverting large amounts of the projected budget surplus to new programs. On other issues, Bradley is more ambitious as well: he outlines several plans to subsidize student loans and create financial incentives for bright young adults to teach. But Bradley's problem is that his ideas can be alienating to Republicans, so how would his plans ever become reality if Congress never approves them? In a nutshell, that might be the trade-off of Bradley for Gore: whereas Bradley has the bold ideas that seek to shake up Washington, Gore makes sure that his predictions reflect his, at times, frustrating dealings with Congress and the entangled alliances of the power brokers in Washington.

Strengths/Weaknesses

Both Al Gore and many voters are getting a little tired of Bradley's condescension toward Gore. Bradley often acts during debates as if he's so much smarter than everyone else, and that if you don't realize it, then you're stupid too. But Gore ain't no dummy, and he's been able to turn Bradley's smugness against him. On another sour note, Bradley tried to build up huge expectations for his campaign to succeed in the Iowa caucus, but he lost to Gore by a margin of 2-1. He also has a little trouble listening to his campaign advisers, often doing the exact opposite of what they suggest. We're certainly not counting Bradley out, but if he does happen to fall short for the nomination and still wants to beef up the résumé, we think that a Nobel Prize or the Pulitzer (heck, or both) would do nicely.

For more information, check out the Bradley campaign's web site at:
http://www.BillBradley.com

3. MEET BILL BRADLEY

Overview

In a speech delivered in 1994, Bill Bradley shocked his admirers and detractors alike in a statement that would lay the foundation for the mystique of his Presidential run four years later. "Politics is broken," proclaimed Bradley, in his stunning announcement that he would not continue as New Jersey's Senator. With such bold and sweeping observations, Bradley has redefined himself. Never mind that he was the same moderate Democrat who had spent the last eighteen years in Washington and twice voted for the Reagan budget. Although such a profound shift might seem exceptional, it hardly comes as a surprise given Bradley's miraculous streak of diverse successes.

In 1990, Bill Bradley was a prominent and established Senator with a track record of success and some celebrity status to boot. His only obstacle to reelection was Christine Todd Whitman, a young and inexperienced Republican who was most well-known for her strong ties to the pro-choice movement. Despite spending twelve times the money of his opponent, Bradley refused to take a stand on an issue that Ms. Whitman claimed as crucial: her outspoken opposition to a state-wide tax increase signed into law by then New Jersey governor Jim Florio. Bradley's lack of comment proved to be a gross blunder, as Whitman came close to pulling off a stunning upset (and rode the momentum of her near-victory to the New Jersey Governorship the following year). Bradley claims that the close call reminded him that he needed to do more to speak to the people, gain their trust, and prove his good intentions.

Bradley has consistently demonstrated his willingness to flaunt convention when his own convictions lead him elsewhere. He can only hope that the aura of invincibility that he projects instills confidence in voters and inspires them to cast ballots in his favor. Entering the race late and facing an experienced opponent with overwhelming credentials for the nomination, Bradley's fate hinges on his ability to pull one more rabbit out of a hat and enhance his own near-mythic status. And a chin tuck wouldn't hurt. He has more chin waddle than those cute little Chinese wrinkle dogs. And Bradley ain't cute.

Background

Few résumés are harder to duplicate than that of Bill Bradley. A 1965 graduate of Princeton University, he played for the Men's Olympic basketball team that won the gold. . . and that was only during his junior year. A history major, he received the Rhodes Scholarship and gained his degree from Oxford in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He then returned to the U.S. to play on the New York Knicks. In the league, Bradley became known as a peacemaker, level-headed player, and fierce competitor. After retiring his smelly jersey in 1977, Bill wasted little time in chasing another jersey, running for and capturing the open Senate seat from New Jersey in 1979. His time in the Senate was marked by a weird pattern of voting: in favor of larger spending in some areas and against it in others. But he was well-respected among his peers in the Senate.

Issues

Although there appears to be little love lost between Al Gore and Bill Bradley in debates, the reason for such hostility can hardly be found in the contrast between their proposals. On most issues, Bradley and Gore flat out agree. Such territory includes restrictions on gun purchases, the banning of racial profiling, the barring of soft-money from campaigns, and a one dollar increase in the minimum wage (although Bradley has taken this thought further, proposing that the wage should then be linked to indexes for inflation).

Where there is differentiation is in the details and scope of their respective agendas for the budget surplus. Gore seeks a plan that he hopes will afford Heath Care coverage to most children currently without it, while Bradley's vision is bolder and potentially costlier. He proposes to quickly bring near-universal health care coverage by diverting large amounts of the projected budget surplus to new programs. On other issues, Bradley is more ambitious as well: he outlines several plans to subsidize student loans and create financial incentives for bright young adults to teach. But Bradley's problem is that his ideas can be alienating to Republicans, so how would his plans ever become reality if Congress never approves them? In a nutshell, that might be the trade-off of Bradley for Gore: whereas Bradley has the bold ideas that seek to shake up Washington, Gore makes sure that his predictions reflect his, at times, frustrating dealings with Congress and the entangled alliances of the power brokers in Washington.

Strengths/Weaknesses

Both Al Gore and many voters are getting a little tired of Bradley's condescension toward Gore. Bradley often acts during debates as if he's so much smarter than everyone else, and that if you don't realize it, then you're stupid too. But Gore ain't no dummy, and he's been able to turn Bradley's smugness against him. On another sour note, Bradley tried to build up huge expectations for his campaign to succeed in the Iowa caucus, but he lost to Gore by a margin of 2-1. He also has a little trouble listening to his campaign advisers, often doing the exact opposite of what they suggest. We're certainly not counting Bradley out, but if he does happen to fall short for the nomination and still wants to beef up the résumé, we think that a Nobel Prize or the Pulitzer (heck, or both) would do nicely.

For more information, check out the Bradley campaign's web site at:
http://www.BillBradley.com